PAC 201 Module 1 Theories and Research in Child Development Example

Reviewed by Frances Ledbetter, MA Aspen University Updated October 2026

This PAC 201 Module 1 sample paper explains how child development is theorized and studied by following one famous line of research, the marshmallow test, and a four-year-old named Mateo at an invented early learning center in Tucson. Aspen University's Child Development course examines children's development from prenatal beginnings through the early years and introduces the research behind it. Mischel, Shoda and Rodriguez reported that preschoolers who waited longer for a second treat showed greater competence years later. Watts, Duncan and Quan repeated the study with a larger, more diverse sample and found the link about half as strong, and weaker still once family background was considered. Kidd, Palmeri and Aslin showed that children waited far less after an adult broke a promise. A design table and lessons for reading research follow.

CoursePAC 201 Child Development
ModuleModule 1
Paper typeTheory and research methods paper
LengthAbout 1,072 words, 6 pages
FormatAPA 7 student paper
SchoolAspen University
ProgramPsychology and Addiction Studies
UpdatedOctober 2026

Free sample paper for PAC 201 Module 1

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One Marshmallow or Two? What a Famous Experiment and Its Replications Teach About Theory and Research in Child Development

Student Name

Psychology and Addiction Studies Program, Aspen University

PAC 201: Child Development

Instructor Name

Month Day, Year

What this page is doingThe title uses the study's famous choice to frame questions about evidence. APA 7 student title page.
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One Marshmallow or Two? What a Famous Experiment and Its Replications Teach About Theory and Research in Child Development

At snack time in the four-year-old room at Desert Sprouts Early Learning Center, an invented center in Tucson, the teacher sets a cracker in front of each child and asks them to wait until everyone has one. Mateo eats his immediately. The girl beside him, Ava, folds her hands and watches the teacher. A visitor might conclude that Ava has more self-control and will do better in school. That conclusion would echo one of the most famous studies in child development, and it would also illustrate why child development needs both theory and careful research. This paper uses the marshmallow test and the studies that followed it to explain how researchers theorize and study children's development. Desert Sprouts, Mateo and Ava are fictional, created to illustrate the course; the studies are real.

The Major Theories

Five families of theory do most of the explaining in child development. Piaget pictured the child as a small scientist whose thinking is reorganized at each stage. Vygotsky argued that what a child can do with a helper today, she can do alone tomorrow, and that language is the main tool for that transfer. Learning theorists look at what a child's behavior has earned in the past and what the child has watched others do. Bronfenbrenner asked what surrounds the child, from the snack table to the economy. Biological approaches look at temperament, genes and the growing brain. Each theory directs attention to different causes, and each suggests different research questions. A question about why some children wait for a treat could be framed as a question about cognitive strategies, about learned expectations, about family circumstances or about temperament.

The Original Studies

Mischel et al. (1989) summarized a program of research on delay of gratification in preschool children. In the classic procedure, a child could have one small treat now or, by waiting alone until the adult returned, two treats later. Children differed widely in how long they waited. The researchers found that children's strategies mattered: children who distracted themselves, or who thought about the treats in abstract ways, such as imagining marshmallows as clouds, waited longer than those who focused on how tasty the treats were. Most famously, in follow-up studies, children who had waited longer at age four were described a decade later by their parents as more academically and socially competent, better able to cope with frustration, and they had higher scores on college entrance exams.

The findings fit a cognitive and self-regulation account: some children have, or learn, strategies for controlling impulses, and these strategies serve them well later. The findings became widely known, and the marshmallow test came to be seen as a window into a child's future.

What this page is doingThe original follow-up samples were small and drawn largely from children at a university preschool.
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The Replication

Watts et al. (2018) revisited the research using data from a large national study of early child care, which included about nine hundred children from more diverse backgrounds than the original samples. Children who waited longer at age four and a half did show higher achievement at age fifteen, but the association was about half the size reported in the original studies. Once the analysis held constant mothers' education, the home environment and the child's early cognitive skills, roughly two thirds of the association disappeared, and for most outcomes what was left could not be distinguished from chance. Waiting longer seemed to reflect the same family and cognitive advantages that also predicted later achievement, rather than being a strong independent cause of it.

The Experiment

Kidd et al. (2013) tested a different explanation. Before the marshmallow task, children were promised better art supplies. In one condition, the adult returned with the supplies as promised; in the other, the adult returned empty-handed and apologized. Children who had experienced the reliable adult waited, on average, about four times as long as those who had experienced the unreliable one. The authors argued that waiting is partly a rational decision: if a child has learned that adults' promises are kept, waiting makes sense; if promises are often broken, taking the treat now is the sensible choice.

The experiment shows something correlational studies cannot: by changing one thing, the adult's reliability, and holding everything else constant, it shows that experience can cause differences in waiting. It suggests a learning and ecological explanation alongside the self-regulation one.

Comparing the Designs

StudyDesignWhat it showedWhat it cannot show
Mischel and colleaguesLongitudinal correlational, small samplesWaiting at four related to later competenceWhether waiting causes later success; whether it holds in other populations
Watts and colleaguesLongitudinal correlational, larger national sample, with controlsA smaller association that largely disappeared with family and cognitive controlsWhich specific family factors matter
Kidd and colleaguesRandomized experimentAn adult's reliability caused children to wait longerLong-term effects of reliability on later outcomes
Teacher's observationOne child at one snack timeMateo ate quickly todayAlmost anything about his future
What this page is doingEach design answers a different question, and the strongest conclusions come from combining them.
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Lessons for Reading Research

Three lessons follow. First, famous findings should be checked for replication, especially when the original samples were small or unusual. Second, correlation does not establish causation, and associations can shrink when other factors are measured. Third, children's behavior makes sense in context: a child who grabs a treat may be responding reasonably to an environment in which promises are not kept, food is uncertain or adults are unpredictable.

What This Means for Mateo

Mateo's quick cracker tells his teachers very little. He may have been hungry, he may not have understood the instruction or he may have learned that waiting does not pay. A teacher guided by the research would watch his behavior across many situations, learn about his home and build a classroom in which adults reliably keep their word. If he still struggles to wait, his teachers can teach strategies such as singing a song or looking away, which the original studies found helpful. They would not predict his future from one snack.

Conclusion

The marshmallow research shows how child development moves from a striking finding to a more careful understanding. Mischel, Shoda and Rodriguez found that waiting predicted later competence, Watts, Duncan and Quan showed that the link was smaller and largely explained by family and cognitive factors and Kidd, Palmeri and Aslin showed that children's experiences with adults shape their choices. Theories guide the questions, and different research designs together reveal which answers hold.

References

Kidd, C., Palmeri, H., & Aslin, R. N. (2013). Rational snacking: Young children's decision-making on the marshmallow task is moderated by beliefs about environmental reliability. Cognition, 126(1), 109-114. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cognition.2012.08.004

Mischel, W., Shoda, Y., & Rodriguez, M. L. (1989). Delay of gratification in children. Science, 244(4907), 933-938. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.2658056

Watts, T. W., Duncan, G. J., & Quan, H. (2018). Revisiting the marshmallow test: A conceptual replication investigating links between early delay of gratification and later outcomes. Psychological Science, 29(7), 1159-1177. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797618761661

PAC 201 Module 1 instructions, in plain terms

Child development courses usually open with the major theories and the methods researchers use, and the first PAC 201 assignment often asks you to explain both and show how evidence tests a theory. Your Aspen course supplies the governing Module 1 prompt; the center and child are invented. Introduce the main theories briefly but accurately. Explain correlational, longitudinal and experimental designs and the kind of conclusion each one supports. Use a real line of research to show how findings change when studies are repeated. Connect the research to an observed child without overinterpreting one moment. Close with lessons for reading child development research critically, and cite every study in APA 7. Keep the observed child's name and center invented or changed.

How this PAC 201 Module 1 example is built

Mateo eats his cracker the moment it is set down, while the girl beside him waits for her teacher's signal. The paper introduces cognitive, sociocultural, learning, ecological and biological theories. Mischel, Shoda and Rodriguez's Science article reports the original findings and the strategies children used to wait. Watts, Duncan and Quan's Psychological Science replication, using a national sample of about nine hundred children, shows a smaller association that shrinks further with controls. Kidd, Palmeri and Aslin's Cognition experiment shows that children's beliefs about adults' reliability changed how long they waited. A four-row table compares designs. Lessons on replication, confounds and context close the paper, along with a caution about judging Mateo from a single snack time.

Where the marks sit in the PAC 201 Module 1 rubric

Theory and methods papers earn credit for accurate descriptions of theories and designs and for showing how evidence supports or challenges a claim. This example uses one line of research to teach correlational, longitudinal and experimental designs, which is more memorable than defining them in the abstract. It reports the replication's findings precisely, including the effect of controls, rather than declaring the original study wrong. The Kidd experiment shows how an experiment can test an explanation that correlational data cannot. The table makes the designs comparable, and the closing caution about judging Mateo from one snack time shows that the writer can apply research cautiously to a real child. Every study is cited in APA 7 form.

Common PAC 201 Module 1 mistakes, and how to avoid them

Students often present famous studies as settled facts. Check whether they have been replicated and what the replications found. Another weakness is confusing correlation with causation; a longitudinal link between waiting and later success does not show that waiting causes success. Say which questions each design can answer and which it leaves open. Describe theories accurately and connect them to evidence rather than listing them. When you describe a child you observed, report behavior before interpretation, and avoid drawing conclusions from one moment. Use primary sources rather than popular summaries, which often exaggerate findings. Finally, consider family and cultural context, since many differences between children reflect their circumstances rather than fixed traits.

Write yours, or have the desk draft it

This paper is an original model document written by our desk, not a submitted student paper and not an official Aspen University document. Read it for the moves, then write your own to the instructions in your classroom. If you want one built to your exact prompt and rubric, the first custom sample is free and arrives in 24 to 48 hours.

More PAC 201 and Psychology and Addiction Studies sample papers

PAC 201 Module 1 questions, answered

What does PAC 201 Module 1 usually ask for?

Aspen's PAC 201 begins with theories and research in child development, so explaining the main theories and research designs with a real example is typical. Read your Module 1 prompt.

Did the marshmallow test predict success?

Mischel and colleagues reported that longer waiting predicted later competence, but Watts, Duncan and Quan found a weaker link that shrank further after accounting for family background.

What did the rational snacking study find?

Kidd, Palmeri and Aslin found that children who had experienced an unreliable adult waited much less than children who had experienced a reliable one.

Where can I find a free PAC 201 Module 1 sample paper?

The full paper appears above, using the marshmallow test and its replications to explain theories and research designs in child development.

What is the difference between correlational and experimental research?

Correlational studies show whether variables are related; experiments manipulate one variable to test whether it causes a change in another.